Back to Segregation
by Gary Orfield and Susan
E. Eaton
The Nation magazine, March
3, 2003
Sit in classrooms, eat in lunchrooms,
romp on playgrounds and wander the hallways in randomly selected
public schools in America: It's right here, in the nation's increasingly
segregated and astonishingly unequal schools, where one finds
the most convincing case for keeping affirmative action intact.
The most recent statistics-compiled, analyzed
and released by the Civil Rights Project, at Harvard-reveal that
America's schools are now in their twelfth year of a continuing
process of racial resegregation. The integration of black students,
the new study shows, had improved steadily from the 1960s through
the late 1980s. But, as of the 2000-01 school year, the levels
have backed off to lows not seen in three decades.
It's true that the Supreme Court decisions
and the enforcement of the 1964 Civil Rights Act that followed
the Brown v. Board of Education ruling forced the South to desegregate.
The region went, between 1964 and 1970, from almost complete segregation
to becoming the most integrated region. After 1974, however, school
integration efforts outside the South were stymied by the Supreme
Court's 5-4 decision in Milliken v. Bradley, which prohibited
heavily minority urban systems from including nearby suburbs in
desegregation plans. School districts in the North usually run
coterminous with municipal borders. Thus, Northern school districts
usually reflect housing segregation rates, which are highest there.
In the 1990s, a new set of decisions by a more conservative Supreme
Court required that many large (and successful) desegregation
plans be dismantled across the country.
Nearly 40 percent of black students in
2000 attended schools that were 90 to 100 percent black-up steadily
from a low of 32 percent in 1988. In 2000, about one-sixth of
blacks attended schools where I percent or less of their fellow
students were white. In 90 percent of these schools, the majority
of children were poor. The average black student, meanwhile, attended
a school where just 31 percent of students were white.
Latino students are America's most segregated
minority group and have become steadily more segregated in recent
decades. The average Latino student now goes to a school that
is less than 30 percent white, a majority of the children are
poor and an increasing concentration of students do not speak
English.
Segregation is not a word commonly associated
with white students, though it should be. Whites are the most
racially isolated group in America's public schools. Statistics
from the 2000-01 school year show that the average white student
goes to a school where 80 percent of students are white. Only
whites who live in the South and West have experienced increased
racial integration over the years.
Segregation is so deeply sewn into America's
social fabric that the media rarely see it. And policy-makers,
social thinkers, pundits and "education reformers" steer
around the gross fact of segregation as if it were heaven-ordained,
without insidious cause or acceptable cure.
But decades of research clearly demonstrates
otherwise. Discrimination-past and recent past-created our segregated
society. This is especially true of the poor ghettos and barrios
whose schools have proven-with some celebrated but rare exceptions-
impervious to reform efforts for a half-century. Nine times in
ten, an extremely segregated black and Latino school will also
be a high-poverty school. And studies have shown that high-poverty
schools are overburdened, have high rates of turnover, less qualified
and experienced teachers, and operate a world away from mainstream
society.
It is astounding that the well-documented
and grave implications of racially separate elementary, middle
and high schools barely warrant mention by commentators-on all
sides-in the raging debate over affirmative action. The most practical
reason for maintaining racially conscious admissions policies
of the sort used by the University of Michigan is found by facing
the hard truth of segregation. Affirmative action may well be
the only tool left with the potential to ameliorate the negative
effects of a college applicant's prior twelve years of segregated
schooling. Michigan, in fact, has recorded some of the highest
school-segregation levels for decades.
Conservatives have suggested that the
"10 percent" plans used by some universities (such as
in Texas) would provide a fine race-neutral substitute for affirmative
action. But in too many of the high schools affected by these
plans, even the top students lack the knowledge and exposure to
academic rigor needed to survive in a competitive college. The
plans, ironically, provide far less access to well-qualified minority
students who've been in academically rigorous, racially diverse
schools but who, because of the school's many other well-prepared
students, may not have been in the top 10 percent. The plans create
a perverse incentive, therefore, to attend a low-performing, segregated
school.
The Harvard Civil Rights Project study
demonstrates that for more and more high school students-especially
the white ones- a college campus like Michigan's would provide
them their first chance to interact, learn, work, even just walk
around in a multiracial environment that approximates the American
society they'll soon join. And previously segregated minority
students are still likely to attend high schools and live in neighborhoods
that just plain do not offer them the opportunity to develop their
full potential. Segregation is the social condition that shaped
those proverbial "unlevel" playing fields. If we as
a nation are content to let segregation rates rise, then we have
a moral duty to permit affirmative action to play a double role
as bridge and equalizer in a divided, unequal society.
Gary Orfield is co-director of the Civil
Rights Project and professor of education and social policy at
Harvard. Susan E. Eaton is the author, most recently, of The Other
Boston Busing Story (Yale). They are the authors of Dismantling
Desegregation (New Press).
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