Canada's Romance with Market
Medicine
For-profit health care has
failed in the U.S. So now its sponsors hope to export it north
by Arnold Relman
The American Prospect magazine,
October 21, 2002
Canada of all places is having a highly
charged national debate about whether to adopt the U.S. model
of commercialized health care as part of its national health-insurance
system. Health policymakers in Canada, particularly at the provincial
level where most practical decisions are made, are being told
a monstrous myth. Consultants and business people, often with
little professional health training or experience but with ample
conflicts of financial interest, are extolling the advantages
of marketplace medicine and the benefits that an American-style
entrepreneurial approach would supposedly bring to the stressed
Canadian system. And yet the U.S. experience of the last two decades
and the evidence on the performance of for-profit health insurance
and medical care tell just the opposite story: Entrepreneurial
markets have made a shambles of our healthcare system. Any nation
seeking to follow the U.S. example risks the same failures now
plaguing the United States.
A committee of the Canadian Senate and
a special commission reporting to the prime minister have been
holding hearings for more than a year. Their final recommendations
are expected this fall. Meanwhile, the Canadian media have been
full of heated debate about the sustainability of the present
system and the proper mix of public and private involvement for
the future.
Unlike the United States, Canada provides
tax-supported insurance for all "necessary" medical
care in hospitals and physicians' offices. The federal and provincial
governments share these costs, though the provinces generally
pay the larger share. Each province decides how its health-care
funds will be spent, so long as its program conforms to the general
principles of the Canada Health Act, which first established the
national plan decades ago. These principles guarantee that all
citizens get free access to necessary care, that the insurance
will be managed publicly and that it will cover citizens traveling
anywhere in Canada or abroad.
In Canada, physicians are generally paid,
as in the U.S. Medicare system, on a fee-for-service basis; doctors'
associations and health ministries negotiate fee schedules. But
unlike their counterparts in the United States, Canadian doctors
cannot also accept payments from private plans for services covered
by public insurance. So private insurers seldom offer coverage
of services already handled through the public system. All general
hospitals are not-for-profit, and they are paid through budgets
established by the provinces but may supplement their support
through private philanthropy. Out-of-hospital services such as
nursing homes, home care, dental care, ambulatory surgery and
prescription drugs are not generally covered through public insurance,
although some provinces provide partial benefits. Such services
increasingly are being provided in Canada through investor-owned
businesses. In total, public insurance covers about 70 percent
of all health costs; the rest is paid out of pocket or through
private insurance plans.
Until recently, Canadians have been relatively
satisfied with this system. It has regularly received far more
approval in opinion polls than our own hodgepodge. Most Canadians
have appreciated the security and the egalitarianism of a system
that offers one class of "medically necessary" care
for all. They also seem to like the blend of care delivered mainly
through private providers via a universal and public insurance
plan.
Of course, the Canadian system has long
had its problems, too. Appropriations have often been deemed inadequate
by hospitals struggling to meet constantly rising capital and
operating costs. Physicians have often been dissatisfied with
the government fee schedules, leading on occasion to angry confrontations
between provincial health ministries and the professional medical
associations with which they negotiate. There are often waiting
lists for elective procedures, causing some patients to seek care
in the United States. And out-of-hospital services have grown
far beyond what was envisioned when the Canada Health Act was
first passed, so it is only natural that public payment for these
costs is increasingly seen as inadequate. Nevertheless, major
changes in the system have not been seriously considered until
the recent crisis in costs and services.
Canada spends little more than half as
much as we do per capita, or relative to gross domestic product,
and its costs have been rising much more slowly than ours have.
But this control has been achieved through fiscal restraints that
have limited health services and added to waiting lists. There
is now a pressing need for more money, and many conservative politicians
fear that the cost will undermine their tight budgets. On a recent
trip to Toronto to speak at a meeting of the Canadian Association
of Retired Persons, I witnessed an extraordinary, un-Canadian
shouting match between the new Ontario minister of health, a fellow
speaker, and members of the audience. The seniors were incensed
by his suggestion that the provincial government was not going
to shoulder any more of the costs of home health care and outpatient
drugs. Their shouts nearly drowned out the youthful minister,
who soon lost his cool and was shouting back about the new realities
of fiscal restraint.
Given this impasse, it was inevitable
that privatization would seem the answer. The embattled Ontario
minister was trying to argue for such a policy. In some provinces
such as British Columbia, Manitoba and Ontario, such proposals
are given particular credence by political parties ideologically
disposed toward reducing the size and scope of government and
celebrating the superior efficiency of private business. Everywhere
in Canada, one now hears talk about the magic of "public-private
partnerships," which typically means the delivery of health
care by private investor-owned facilities and organizations, with
payment by the public-insurance system. What actually happens
is that the public pays and the investor-owned businesses make
the profits-hardly a "partnership."
There are already many for-profit businesses
in Canada providing out-of-hospital services not covered under
the original Canada Health Act and paid for by private funds.
The new idea is to allow businesses to provide services currently
covered by the act and to pay them through the public purse. Many
Canadian, U.S. and international firms are waiting in the wings
to deliver these services-for example, care in specialty hospitals
and ambulatory surgery centers, expanded home care and prescription-drug
benefits-once laws are changed. There is even talk of allowing
private for-profit insurance plans to compete with the public
system for coverage of basic medical services, much the way Medicare
in the United States has allowed private for-profit HMO insurance
as an alternative to standard Medicare coverage. Under such arrangements,
the public system guarantees a fixed cash allowance for purchase
of private coverage but doesn't guarantee a fixed set of benefits.
In considering the possible advantages
of partnering with for-profit providers and insurers, Canadian
health policy makers naturally look to the United States. Over
the past few decades, investor-owned businesses have taken over
more than half the U.S. markets for health insurance, ambulatory
services and facilities, nursing homes and specialty hospitals.
In addition, about 15 percent of all general acute-care hospitals
belong to for-profit businesses, including a few giant hospital
chains. Helping these health-care businesses do their work are
a plethora of new business-to-business companies, which provide
such varied services as brokering, marketing, public relations,
claims adjustment, utilization review, disease management, pharmacy
management, financial and information services, and so on. Altogether,
investor-owned health-service businesses and the businesses that
serve them constitute a gigantic "medical-industrial complex"
that I would now estimate accounts for nearly half of our S1.4
trillion health-care budget.
The myth about the privatized system in
the United States- widely spread around the world by business
consultants, health economists and conservative politicians-is
that our experience demonstrates the superiority of private for-profit
enterprise in providing health care. After all, doesn't the profit
incentive spur productivity and efficiency and respond to consumer
demand far better than bureaucracies or nonprofit organizations?
And as the world leader in entrepreneurial health care, shouldn't
the United States be the example for Canada to follow?
Knowledgeable Canadians have puzzled over
these questions. If privatization is really the answer, they wonder,
why are U.S. costs rising so rapidly and the number of uninsured
and underinsured increasing? And why is there such universal dissatisfaction
with our system-except among the insurance and health-care businesses
that are profiting from it?
Some U.S. observers, including me, have
been saying for a long time that privatization is a big part of
our problem and certainly not the solution. At first, the argument
was largely based on social and ethical considerations and on
the many inherent reasons why market forces cannot be expected
to work well in health care. Now, however, considerable empirical
evidence supports the opposition to privatization: Investor-owned
businesses are typically more expensive and sometimes deliver
services of lower quality, according to comparative studies of
hospitals, nursing homes and kidney dialysis centers published
in respected, peer-reviewed medical journals. Investor-owned insurance
plans have much higher overhead and administrative costs and spend
less of their premium dollars on health care than do their not-for-profit
competitors. They also make mischief by trying to target relatively
healthier populations at the expense of sicker ones.
I have been invited to Canada four times
in the past few months to discuss the U.S. experience with privatized
health care. As I told my friends in Canada, we in the United
States have much to learn from their success in providing universal
coverage for medical care in hospitals and doctors' offices at
a relatively modest cost. Turning over more of their system to
private enterprise would be a serious mistake. It would inevitably
increase overhead and administrative costs-as has occurred in
the United States-and it would increase total costs, reduce the
benefits received by patients or both. And there is no reason
to believe it would improve quality of care; in fact, quite the
opposite is more likely.
The most hopeful approach to controlling
rising costs in Canada is through reform of the organization and
funding of the delivery of care. Both our countries need to learn
how to organize and pay for our physicians in ways that provide
better incentives for high-quality, cost-effective care. At present,
both Canada and the United States primarily rely on solo practice
and fee-for-service reimbursement of doctors-arrangements bound
to encourage excessive use of expensive technology and to discourage
critical and unbiased assessment of medical needs.
If Canadian policy makers follow logic
and the evidence, they will not turn to the market. But that would
mean that they are more resistant to the financial enticements
and the political influence of the medical-industrial complex
than their U.S. counterparts have been. We must also hope Canadian
leaders are too sensible to be tempted by the spurious appeal
of "free" money from health-care businesses. If Canadians
are gullible, they will pay dearly for their mistake just as we
in the United States have been paying for ours.
ARNOLD RELMAN, M.D., is the former editor
of The New England Journal of Medicine.
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