The Quagmire That Was Supposed
To Be [Iraq]
by George Aleman
www.dissidentvoice.org, June 25,
2007
The Stab In The Back
The stinging Democratic vote to continue
the funding of the War on Iraq without withdrawal is still pulsating
throughout the Republic. Americans are dismayed. Some leading
figures have given into the despair and feeling of helplessness
manifested by the current situation and folded up their tents
of opposition. The most notable, obviously, being the anti-war
mother Cindy Sheehan. In all this, one has to ask, why? Why did
the Democrats, in the end, decide to restructure the war-funding
bill so as to refit it without a timetable for withdrawal and
cast a majority vote for its approval? Why did the Democrats run
counter to what the people wanted? Why did the Democrats not do
what they were elected to do? Why did the Democrats decide to
do what the Republicans were ejected out of their Congressional
seats for continuing to do?
The Democrats were elected, and expected,
to end the destructive machinery that is destroying the lives
of Iraqis and Americans. They were elected and expected to erect
a blockade to the current administration's imperialist ambitions
in the Middle East. They did not. Why? Why, in light of the American
public's opposition to the War on Iraq and tens of thousands of
Iraqi protesters calling for the U.S. to leave their country?1
The reasons are many, but few are vital. One of the chief vital
interests for why is clear: in war there is money to be made and
in a state where money is the essence of its existence, war is
the lucrative force that drives its existence.2 In short, the
Democrats are committed to imperialist expansion just as much
as the Republicans - their 20th century track record on waging
war overseas says as much - and their job, just as would be the
Republicans were the tables turned, is to maintain the status-quo,
not end it.
The Government Of The Government
It must be understood that a good slice
of U.S. economic policy is driven by, and devoted to, the need
to prepare for, and engage in, war.3 Many areas of agreement between
the government and corporations include "disciplining workers,
lucrative armaments contracts, and job creation stimuli."4
Hence, the War on Iraq is as much about feeding the Military-Industrial-Complex
as it is about the acquisition of resources and opening of new
markets. In essence, the War on Iraq has been rightfully deemed
a quagmire, because it was supposed to be such. The track record
of mistakes and 'coincidental' activities says as much.
Not adequately planning to safeguard Iraqi
cultural or economic institutions upon invasion postulated mayhem.
Iraqi museums were subsequently looted and destroyed. U.S. officials
"were warned repeatedly about possible damage to irreplaceable
artifacts, either from bombs and missiles or from post-war instability
after the removal of the Iraqi government, but they did nothing
to prevent it."5 The absence of the rule of law, or neglect
to adequately prepare for the enforcement thereof, created a situation
of chaos and disorder where the conditions ripe for cultural liquidation
needed to be inoculated by paternal Western crusaders.
The disbanding of the Iraqi Army, "the
Republican Guard and the Revolutionary Command Council, among
others," unleashed a Hydra. This action, which put "an
estimated 350,000 to 400,000 soldiers out of work, as well as
an estimated 2,000 Information Ministry employees," was supposed
to be part "of a robust campaign to show the Iraqi people
that the Saddam regime [was] gone and [would] never return."6
Instead, it ended up feeding a nationalist "insurgency and
crime wave [that] built through 2003"7 As Colonel Paul F.
Hughes, the strategic policy director for the U.S. occupation
authority in 2003, expressed in 2004, "[a]nyone who ever
worked in any country after a losing war knows you have to do
something with the old soldiers Otherwise, they're out of work,
and they will do what people do who know how to use guns."7
Not providing adequate forces permitted
the burgeoning of a vibrant Iraqi nationalist-reactionary-insurgency.
Iraqis soon rose up after the fall of Baghdad to resist the invading
coalition of foreigners. "Before the war, several experts
- including then Army Chief of Staff Eric Shinseki - warned the
Bush Administration that [approximately] several hundred thousand
troops would be needed to secure post-Saddam Iraq."8 Yet,
the administration "dismissed this warning out of hand."Monday,
October 4, 2004. "Bush Administration Fails to Address Deteriorating
Situation in Iraq." Democratic Policy Committee. Not providing
adequate ground forces created a situation which allowed for a
relentless nationalist uprising with tremendous resilience. The
administration then gave more justification for sending in more
troops for security. This was done four times before the current
'surge', each of which resulted primarily in escalating levels
of violence instead of security. In the beginning:
Army planners said they needed an initial
occupation force of 250,000, which would still be half the number
that the historically proven formula called for. Had they been
listened to, and a robust force moved in at the start to establish
firm control of the country and disarm the militias of political
factions, it is possible that a rapid drawdown of U.S. forces
could have followed.Tuesday, Feb. 13, 2007. "9
Slow progress in training Iraqi security
forces further exacerbated security issues. "Nearly a year
and a half after Iraqi reconstruction efforts began" it was
reported that "one of the administration's highest priorities
- training Iraqis to provide their own security - remain[ed] far
behind schedule." The administration "failed to put
adequate military personnel in place to oversee training mismanaged
funding appropriated for security forces development [and] chose
to contract out security training, rather than allow experienced
U.S. military trainers do the work."8 Recently, "U.S.
intelligence officials disclosed that the deployment of Iraqi
forces into Baghdad under [the administration's] new plan to stabilize
Iraq is running behind schedule and that all of the units sent
so far have arrived under strength, some by more than half."10
Amidst the flurry of mistakes, the formerly
Republican dominated Congress appropriated funds to build an embassy
in Baghdad that is "ten times the size of the typical U.S.
embassy, the size of 80 football fields, six times larger than
the UN, the size of Vatican City" and "more secure than
the Pentagon."11 This behemoth structure that overlooks the
Tigris River comes fully equipped with its own set of "apartment
buildings, a gym, a pool, a fast-food court, and its own power
generation and water-treatment plants."12 Construction has
been continuous.
The Congress also appropriated funds to
build permanent super-bases that will have recreation halls, cybercafés,
premium coffee shops, miniature-golf courses, movie theaters,
bus systems, supermarkets, and restaurants. It is no wonder that
these structures have been called the "warrior's country
club."13 All this while Baghdad burned.
In late 2003, Lieutenant Colonel David
Holt expressed that there "was already several billion dollars
being sunk into base construction, which has been continuing ever
since."14 These elaborate and enormous structures clearly
and directly state a determination to stay in Iraq - their omission
from debates suggests consensus among the parties as well. They
are enduring imperialist footprints that have significant implications.
The United States will continue to have a presence in Iraq for
some time to come; the heavily fortified embassy and super-bases
imply as much. These bases were built during the quagmire that
stemmed from the preemptive assault launched on Iraq, which served
the Military-Industrial-Complex that governs the government.
An Unlikely Prospect
The more instability that is garnered
in Iraq, the more justification will be given to stay. When the
Democrats came to power, there was much hope that things would
change. Their congressional activities thus far have dimmed hopes.
It seems, unfortunately, that if the Democrats do maintain power
into the next congressional cycle, even obtain the presidency
in '08, there will not be much of a drift in terms of leaving
Iraq. For those well intentioned people inside the party itself,
there is no hope of penetrating the impermeable power structure
within. Does one really expect the second most powerful corporate
sponsored party in the country to abstain its newly given power,
and potential to acquire more, by pulling out from a part of the
world that holds key resources and valuable potential for new
markets? Does one really expect it to deconstruct, even leave,
the super-bases and embassy that costs billions to build, and
which are near completion? Does one really expect the profit-making,
runaway defense establishment to give up its entrenched governing
power over the government? The prospect is unlikely. Such an action
would require a political and social revolution that is unlikely
to take place.
The powers that be will continue to keep
"American soldiers on Iraqi soil well into the century [and
use the state as] a platform to launch new acts of aggression."15
The goal is to control local resources and create a launching
pad to further imperialist ambitions in the Middle East. Direct
or indirect casualties are of no consequence as long as imperialist
goals are met and sustained. We are not going anywhere, anytime
soon, regardless of which party holds the reins of power.
0. Wong, Edward. Monday, April 9, 2007.
"Thousands of Iraqis march on 4th anniversary of Baghdad's
fall." International Herald Tribune. _
0.
0. Fitzgerald, Michael. 2004. "Militarism: A Way of Life."
The Humanist. _
0.
0. Paxton, Robert O. The Anatomy of Fascism (New York: Vintage
Books, 2004): p. 145. _
0.
0. Ibid., p. 146. _
0.
0. Martin, Patrick. Wednesday, April 16, 2003. "The sacking
of Iraq's museums: US wages war against culture and history."
World Socialist Web Site. _
0.
0. Arraf, Jane. Friday, May 23, 2003. "U.S. dissolves Iraqi
army, Defense and Information ministries." Cnn.com _
0.
0. Monday, July 12, 2004. "U.S. colonel says disbanding Iraqi
army was key mistake." The Daily Oakland Press. _
0.
0. Monday, October 4, 2004. "Bush Administration Fails to
Address Deteriorating Situation in Iraq." Democratic Policy
Committee. _
0.
0. Tuesday, Feb. 13, 2007. "Pelosi Leads Democratic Opposition
to Iraq Troop Surge." NewsMax.com Wires. _
0.
0. Strobel, Warren P., and Jonathan S. Landay and Renee Schoof.
Tuesday, February 27, 2007. "Bush administration to join
Iraqi-led talks attended by Iran, Syria." McClatchy Newspapers.
_
0.
0. Zeese, Kevin. Friday, April 21, 2006. "We're Staying!"
DemocracyRising.us; Hughes, Chris. Tuesday, January 3, 2006. "U.S.
plans $1.8 billion Baghdad embassy." The Mirror (UK). _
0.
0. Slavin, Barbara. Monday, April 10, 2006. "Giant U.S. embassy
rising in Baghdad." USA Today. _
0.
0. Hirsh, Michael. Monday, May 1, 2006. "Don't dream about
full exits. The military is in Iraq for the long haul." Newsweek;
White, Deborah. 2006. "An American Palace in Iraq and Four
Permanent US Bases." About.com. _
0.
0. Thursday, March 9, 2006 (March 27, 2006 issue). Engelhardt,
Tom. "Can You Say 'Permanent Bases'?" The Nation. _
0.
LaFranchi, Howard. Tuesday, June 12, 2007. "US signals permanent
stay in Iraq." Christian Science Monitor. _
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