Bush Terror Elite Wanted
9/11 to Happen
by John Pilger
http://pilger.carlton.com/print/124759
- December 12, 2002
Two years ago a project set up by the
men who now surround George W Bush said what America needed was
"a new Pearl Harbor". Its published aims have, alarmingly,
come true.
The threat posed by US terrorism to the
security of nations and individuals was outlined in prophetic
detail in a document written more than two years ago and disclosed
only recently. What was needed for America to dominate much of
humanity and the world's resources, it said, was "some catastrophic
and catalysing event -- like a new Pearl Harbor". The attacks
of 11 September 2001 provided the "new Pearl Harbor",
described as "the opportunity of ages". The extremists
who have since exploited 11 September come from the era of Ronald
Reagan, when far-right groups and "think-tanks" were
established to avenge the American "defeat" in Vietnam.
In the 1990s, there was an added agenda: to justify the denial
of a "peace dividend" following the cold war. The Project
for the New American Century was formed, along with the American
Enterprise Institute, the Hudson Institute and others that have
since merged the ambitions of the Reagan administration with those
of the current Bush regime.
One of George W Bush's "thinkers"
is Richard Perle. I interviewed Perle when he was advising Reagan;
and when he spoke about "total war", I mistakenly dismissed
him as mad. He recently used the term again in describing America's
"war on terror". "No stages," he said. "This
is total war. We are fighting a variety of enemies. There are
lots of them out there. All this talk about first we are going
to do Afghanistan, then we will do Iraq... this is entirely the
wrong way to go about it. If we just let our vision of the world
go forth, and we embrace it entirely and we don't try to piece
together clever diplomacy, but just wage a total war... our children
will sing great songs about us years from now."
Perle is one of the founders of the Project
for the New American Century, the PNAC. Other founders include
Dick Cheney, now vice-president, Donald Rumsfeld, defence secretary,
Paul Wolfowitz, deputy defence secretary, I Lewis Libby, Cheney's
chief of staff, William J Bennett, Reagan's education secretary,
and Zalmay Khalilzad, Bush's ambassador to Afghanistan. These
are the modern chartists of American terrorism. The PNAC's seminal
report, Rebuilding America's Defences: strategy, forces and resources
for a new century, was a blueprint of American aims in all but
name. Two years ago it recommended an increase in arms-spending
by $48bn so that Washington could "fight and win multiple,
simultaneous major theatre wars". This has happened. It said
the United States should develop "bunker-buster" nuclear
weapons and make "star wars" a national priority. This
is happening. It said that, in the event of Bush taking power,
Iraq should be a target. And so it is.
As for Iraq's alleged "weapons of
mass destruction", these were dismissed, in so many words,
as a convenient excuse, which it is. "While the unresolved
conflict with Iraq provides the immediate justification,"
it says, "the need for a substantial American force presence
in the Gulf transcends the issue of the regime of Saddam Hussein."
How has this grand strategy been implemented? A series of articles
in the Washington Post, co-authored by Bob Woodward of Watergate
fame and based on long interviews with senior members of the Bush
administration, reveals how 11 September was manipulated.
On the morning of 12 September 2001, without
any evidence of who the hijackers were, Rumsfeld demanded that
the US attack Iraq. According to Woodward, Rumsfeld told a cabinet
meeting that Iraq should be "a principal target of the first
round in the war against terrorism". Iraq was temporarily
spared only because Colin Powell, the secretary of state, persuaded
Bush that "public opinion has to be prepared before a move
against Iraq is possible". Afghanistan was chosen as the
softer option. If Jonathan Steele's estimate in the Guardian is
correct, some 20,000 people in Afghanistan paid the price of this
debate with their lives.
Time and again, 11 September is described
as an "opportunity". In last April's New Yorker, the
investigative reporter Nicholas Lemann wrote that Bush's most
senior adviser, Condoleezza Rice, told him she had called together
senior members of the National Security Council and asked them
"to think about `how do you capitalise on these opportunities'",
which she compared with those of "1945 to 1947": the
start of the cold war. Since 11 September, America has established
bases at the gateways to all the major sources of fossil fuels,
especially central Asia. The Unocal oil company is to build a
pipeline across Afghanistan. Bush has scrapped the Kyoto Protocol
on greenhouse gas emissions, the war crimes provisions of the
International Criminal Court and the anti-ballistic missile treaty.
He has said he will use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear states
"if necessary". Under cover of propaganda about Iraq's
alleged weapons of mass destruction, the Bush regime is developing
new weapons of mass destruction that undermine international treaties
on biological and chemical warfare.
In the Los Angeles Times, the military
analyst William Arkin describes a secret army set up by Donald
Rumsfeld, similar to those run by Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger
and which Congress outlawed. This "super-intelligence support
activity" will bring together the "CIA and military
covert action, information warfare, and deception". According
to a classified document prepared for Rumsfeld, the new organisation,
known by its Orwellian moniker as the Proactive Pre-emptive Operations
Group, or P2OG, will provoke terrorist attacks which would then
require "counter-attack" by the United States on countries
"harbouring the terrorists".
In other words, innocent people will be
killed by the United States. This is reminiscent of Operation
Northwoods, the plan put to President Kennedy by his military
chiefs for a phoney terrorist campaign -- complete with bombings,
hijackings, plane crashes and dead Americans -- as justification
for an invasion of Cuba. Kennedy rejected it. He was assassinated
a few months later. Now Rumsfeld has resurrected Northwoods, but
with resources undreamt of in 1963 and with no global rival to
invite caution. You have to keep reminding yourself this is not
fantasy: that truly dangerous men, such as Perle and Rumsfeld
and Cheney, have power. The thread running through their ruminations
is the importance of the media: "the prioritised task of
bringing on board journalists of repute to accept our position".
"Our position" is code for lying.
Certainly, as a journalist, I have never known official lying
to be more pervasive than today. We may laugh at the vacuities
in Tony Blair's "Iraq dossier" and Jack Straw's inept
lie that Iraq has developed a nuclear bomb (which his minions
rushed to "explain"). But the more insidious lies, justifying
an unprovoked attack on Iraq and linking it to would-be terrorists
who are said to lurk in every Tube station, are routinely channelled
as news. They are not news; they are black propaganda.
This corruption makes journalists and
broadcasters mere ventriloquists' dummies. An attack on a nation
of 22 million suffering people is discussed by liberal commentators
as if it were a subject at an academic seminar, at which pieces
can be pushed around a map, as the old imperialists used to do.
The issue for these humanitarians is not
primarily the brutality of modern imperial domination, but how
"bad" Saddam Hussein is. There is no admission that
their decision to join the war party further seals the fate of
perhaps thousands of innocent Iraqis condemned to wait on America's
international death row. Their doublethink will not work. You
cannot support murderous piracy in the name of humanitarianism.
Moreover, the extremes of American fundamentalism that we now
face have been staring at us for too long for those of good heart
and sense not to recognise them.
With thanks to Norm Dixon and Chris Floyd
John Pilger was born and educated in Sydney.
he has been a war correspondent, film-maker and playwright. Based
in London, he has written from many countries and has twice won
British journalism's highest award, that of `Journalist of the
Year', for his work in Vietnam and Cambodia. Among a number of
other awards he has been `International Reporter of the Year'
and winner of the `United Nations Association Media Prize'. For
his broadcasting, he has won an `American Television Academy Award',
an `Emmy' and the `Richard Dimbleby Award', given by the British
Academy of Film and Television Arts.
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