California Bans
Media Interviews with Prisoners
by Willie Wisely, March 1997
from the book
The Celling of America
edited by Daniel Burton-Rose
with editors of Prison Legal News
Dan Pens and Paul Wright
Common Courage Press, 1998
California Governor Pete Wilson issued an executive order
banning face-to-face media interviews with prisoners. The ban
comes at a time when most civil rights for the state's 142,000
prisoners have been taken and violence is on the rise in the world's
largest prison system. At the obligatory public hearing held at
the Department of Corrections, representatives of the media and
public strongly opposed the proposed new policies. In its public
notice for that hearing, the Department claimed the ban was necessary
to prevent individual prisoners from becoming celebrities and
gaining access to contraband.
Saying that prisons represent "the most expansionist
sector" of state spending, Terry Francke, Executive Director
of the California First Amendment Coalition, said, "the individual
stories and accounts that only inmates can provide" make
up a critical component in determining how smoothly the state's
prison system is run. For some stories about prison life and administration,
Francke continued, "there is no substitute for the opportunity
to talk directly and candidly with specific individuals who either
know the facts or can point to those who do." When prison
guards boiled a mentally ill prisoner alive at Pelican Bay and
beat, kicked and shot prisoners for sport at Corcoran, prisoners
relayed the stories to the media. Critics of the ban believe it's
exactly that type of information Department of Corrections Director
James Gomez hopes to suppress with the new policy.
Department officials point to the alleged escape attempt by
Black Panther George Jackson at San Quentin prison in 1971 and
the regular Geraldo sideshows featuring Charles Manson as justification
for refusing to permit the media to interview specific prisoners
any longer. In addition, prisoners will no longer be allowed to
send mail to representatives of the media confidentially. Now,
such mail will be read by guards before it's allowed out of the
prison. Reporters will only be permitted to speak to prisoners
selected by officials during approved tours of prisons. Prison
officials could offer no examples of how face-to-face media interviews
actually compromised the security of any prison.
"Why should some guy benefit from committing a crime?
We did this because we didn't want to have inmates becoming celebrities
and heroes," J.P. Tremblay, Assistant Secretary of the Youth
and Adult Corrections Agency said in an interview with the San
Francisco Daily Recorder last January. He claimed that the principle
of preventing criminals from profiting from their crimes necessarily
"includes the intangible profit that certain inmates acquire
by receiving the attention they crave and the attendant opportunity
for a public forum in which they can espouse their often sociopathic
philosophies." Tremblay failed to explain why any prisoner
bent on promoting "sociopathic philosophies" couldn't
simply do so in regular, non-confidential letters mailed to the
media.
While prisoners might express their viewpoints to the media
in open letters, few will be willing to risk the consequences
of exposing beatings, shootings, theft and other misconduct by
prison staff. Prison guards who screen all outgoing prisoner mail
routinely seize letters addressed to the media which are critical
of prison employees. Photocopies of such letters are placed in
the prisoner's file for other staff to read and disciplinary action
or other retaliation is taken against the author. The possibility
of such retaliation will have a chilling effect on the flow of
information about abuses in prison to the media.
Peter Sussman, co-author of Committing Journalism: The Prison
Writings of Red Hog and President of the Northern California Chapter
of the Society of Professional Journalists, recalls once receiving
a confidential letter from a prisoner which contained a copy of
a lab report showing high levels of human fecal matter contamination
in a prison water supply. With many prisons located in the state's
agricultural based Central Valley, it has long been suspected
that drinking water supplied to prisoners is contaminated with
nitrogens, pesticides and sometimes even fecal matter, but hard
evidence has been difficult to obtain. With a report in hand,
Sussman could insure the story was told. Under the new policy,
it's doubtful the report would have made it out of the prison.
In 1994, Governor Wilson signed into law legislation which
stripped California prisoners of most civil rights. That law provided
the Department of Corrections with an excuse to implement restrictions
on access to the media, something they had on their agenda for
a long time. State Senator Quentin Kopp, San Francisco independent,
co-authored the legislation, but said it provides, "no authority
to change or terminate prior departmental policy in regard to
media interviews of prisoners." Director Gomez wrote March
19, 1996, that, "Nothing is contemplated to alter media access"
to department facilities. Just ten days after that letter was
written, media access to prisons in the state was radically altered.
The Department's self-serving rationalizations for the new
media policy ignore the public's interest in being informed about
what goes on in the world's largest prison system. Some courts
have recognized the importance of a prisoner's ability to communicate
with the media. As one judge put it, "In a civilized society,
governed by the rule of law, voices of dissent cannot and should
not be suppressed. History has been punctuated by writers who
have emerged from prison cells to become spokesmen for humanity."'
However, the right-wing dominated United States Supreme Court
has upheld prison restrictions on the media's face to face interviews
with specific prisoners as long as those prisoners have some ability
to communicate with reporters.
Prison officials were quick to punish the first prisoner to
challenge the restrictions on access to the media. Boston Woodard,
who has spent some 15 years at California Men's Colony near San
Luis Obispo, was editor of the prison newspaper, The Commentator,
until last December. He was relieved of his position and disciplined
for allegedly advising reporters on possible strategies to circumvent
the prohibition against interviews with specific prisoners. Woodard
scoffs at that claim and says his removal from the newspaper staff
was retaliation for an article he wrote criticizing the new policy.
In an interview with the Recorder, Woodard said prisoners fear
the restrictions are part of an effort to shut the public out
of the prison system altogether. He said the rule allowing media
representatives to interview only those prisoners chosen by prison
officials during random tours means "They'll make sure you're
in an area where all the inmates [the press] talk to will have
the IQ of a cinder block."
Lifers fear the interview ban has even darker implications.
California's prison population is 180 percent over capacity. The
Director's policy of housing known enemies on the same prison
yard has led to escalating violence. Many privileges, such as
family visits and weights, and programs, such as education and
vocational classes, have been either taken or drastically reduced
in response to pressure from special interest groups. Without
such incentives, the large and growing number of young lifers,
often street gang members, feel they have nothing to lose and
this is raising the level of tension in prisons statewide. As
Ken Hartman, a writer serving life without parole at Lancaster's
maximum security prison put it, prison officials "know what's
coming and they want to be able to control the flow of information."
The California Office of Administrative Law issued its formal
ruling December 11, 1996, disapproving the Department of Corrections'
proposed regulations banning face-to-face media interviews with
prisoners and eliminating confidential correspondence between
people in prison and representatives of the media. The CDC immediately
re-filed the regulation change as an emergency which allows them
to enforce the ban for 120 days without a public hearing. Prison
administrators must amend their regulation change application
and resubmit it to the OAL within the four month period barring
any additional extensions of time.
The OAL found that CDC officials failed to respond to many
of the comments received from the public during a June hearing
and in writing. A total of 100 comments were acknowledged by prisoncrats,
99 opposed to the media ban and one in favor.
The Society of Professional Journalists, the American Civil
Liberties Union, the American Jewish Congress, the California
First Amendment Coalition, the Prison Law Office, PEN Center USA
West, California Broadcasters Association, California Senator
Kopp, an attorney representing national news organizations, a
reporter for the Orange County Register and several others opposed
the proposed ban on media interviews with prisoners.
The CDC's initial response to the comments in opposition to
their regulation change application was superficial and arrogant
in places. With regard to one comment concerning brutality by
prison staff, the OAL said, "The Department's response simply
assumes that mistreatment of prisoners does not occur because
it is prohibited by Penal Code §§2650, 2651 and 2652.
That response does not address the commentator's assertion that
confidential media access is the only effective remedy to protect
prisoners from abuse should that abuse occur."
The CDC's attempt to shut out the media from the largest prison
system in the world is part of a well-coordinated effort in several
other states. California's regulations are closely monitored by
other prison administrators because the state's prison rules are
often used as a model for prison systems in the remainder of the
country. Prison systems in Virginia, Missouri and South Carolina
have also banned media access to prisoners.
Celling
of America